Nato is primarily what kind of cooperative effort

This is a non-interactive preview of the quiz content. Political Geography, Chapter 8 Is this your test? The United Nations is primarily what kind of cooperative effort? Terrorism differs from assassinations and other acts of political violence because Pg.

An increasing number of states have adopted a federal form of government primarily to Pg. Which of the following accurately describes one of the forms of gerrymandering? The most populous country that is not a member of the United Nations is Pg. Extremely small states have all but which of the following qualities?

The Germans established the proruption known as the Caprivi Strip for which of the following reasons? The solidarity in production thus established will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible. The setting up of this powerful productive unit, open to all countries willing to take part and bound ultimately to provide all the member countries with the basic elements of industrial production on the same terms, will lay a true foundation for their economic unification.

This production will be offered to the world as a whole without distinction or exception, with the aim of contributing to raising living standards and to promoting peaceful achievements. In this way, there will be realized simply and speedily that fusion of interest which is indispensable to the establishment of a common economic system; it may be the leaven from which may grow a wider and deeper community between countries long opposed to one another by sanguinary divisions.

By pooling basic production and by instituting a new High Authority, whose decisions will bind France, Germany and other member countries, this proposal will lead to the realization of the first concrete foundation of a European federation indispensable to the preservation of peace. Europe again has to become a direction for mankind. Europe is not against anything or anyone. United Europe is a symbol of all—embracing solidarity for the future. The end of the cold war proved to be one of the larger tests for the European Union.

Some Germans feared that their now reunited country would set off again on its Sonderweg , i. Yet, Germany remained on the European path.

In the waning years of the Bush presidency, the United States did in fact lose interest in Europe and conceded to the West Europeans the leading role in the Yugoslav conflict. They were wrong. Thus, a country needs to be a relatively mature liberal democracy before it can join.

Several members of the European Union have participated in the Eurocorps, which now has assumed responsibility for the overall Kosovo mission.

The European Union displays almost all of the characteristics of a mature security community with cooperative security as the norm. These analysts were entrenched in the realist tradition and did not reckon with the common transatlantic identity developed among the Alliance members. After all the objectives have been reached. NATO, of course, was never simply a classic defense alliance, but its political component was obscured during the cold war.

Many of the former so—called neutrals — Ireland, Finland, Sweden, Austria, and Switzerland — have used the PfP to promote their own security cooperatively. For example, Ireland, having participated in the UN—mandated but not operated peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Kosovo, wanted to institutionalize its relationship with NATO — the United Nations designee as the regional organization responsible. NATO has launched other efforts to promote cooperative security, including its special relationship with Ukraine and the Founding Act with Russia.

Particularly notable is that even the preamble to the NATO—Russia Founding Act connects democracy, that is the promotion of internal liberal democratic values, with cooperative security:. The Russian Federation, on the one hand, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and its member States, on the other, hereinafter referred to as Russia and NATO, based on an enduring political commitment undertaken at the highest political level, will build together a lasting and inclusive peace in the Euro—Atlantic area on the principles of democracy and cooperative security.

NATO has also asserted its promotion of cooperative security in Europe. As Foreign Ministers, we attach particular importance to the far—reaching, positive political developments, which have occurred since in the security landscape in Europe and to new cooperative security structures , which are being built throughout the Euro—Atlantic region.

We reaffirm our commitment to further strengthening the OSCE as a primary instrument for early warning, conflict prevention, crisis management and post—conflict rehabilitation as well as for enhancing cooperative security and advancing democracy and human rights.

NATO enlargement is linked to and part of a comprehensive process which comprises the following elements: broad cooperation with Partners within the Euro—Atlantic Partnership Council and the enhanced Partnership for Peace Programme; a strong, stable and enduring partnership with Russia based on the Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation, signed in Paris on 27th May ; a distinctive Partnership with Ukraine, which was founded by means of the Charter, signed in Madrid on 9th July ; and an enhanced Mediterranean Dialogue.

He also stresses the importance of NATO enlargement in furthering cooperative security:. The prospect of NATO membership has already proven it to be an important instigator of domestic reform and improved bilateral relations among countries of Central and Eastern Europe. And that cannot but contribute to building cooperative security. Solana argues that NATO has redefined itself based on a definition of security that sharply contrasts with one used during the cold war:.

In broadening our concept of security, in taking on new roles and missions, in carrying out wide adaptation, the NATO of today is no longer about defending against large—scale attack. It is about building security within societies, creating the conditions of stability in which respect for human rights, consolidation of democratic reforms and economic patterns of trade and investment can flourish.

In short, it is about a new cooperative security order for the Euro—Atlantic region. He is not alone in seeing a fundamental change in the security basis for Europe.

These efforts at promoting liberal order in Europe were a necessary precursor for the interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo. Another indication that NATO serves as a security community is the failure of repeated and considerable tensions between Turkey and Greece to lead to war. OSCE members do not form a security community and do not hold common values — despite the official adherence to the Helsinki Principles.

The OSCE region extends from Vancouver to Vladivostok and is quite diverse, providing little basis for a common identity. Nevertheless, despite what appears to be infertile ground, many view the OSCE as the quintessential cooperative security example. The Handbook itself is rife with cooperative security references:. The underlying assumption is that co—operation can bring benefits to all participating States, while insecurity in one State or region can affect the well—being of all.

The key is to work together, achieving security together with others, not against them. We face serious challenges, but we face them together. Some analysts suggest that these agreements have no teeth, given that states would not be sanctioned if they did not honor them.

All the OSCE does is cooperative security, in that it is a consensus—based organization. However, the OSCE should also be viewed as a norm—setting agency. States, and even other international organizations, are free to participate as they see fit. The platform offers the OSCE as a coordinating framework for international organizations and for states wishing to work in a sub—regional context.

The OSCE is more like a bazaar than a factory — states and international organizations can pick and choose how they wish to cooperate. Despite these strengths, the OSCE does not meet all of the criteria for a security community. Some OSCE members have recently been at war with each other and plan for such contingencies in the future. Nevertheless, it is no accident that those states that most frequently exploit the OSCE capabilities come from the western end of the Eurasian land mass.

European countries merely proceed to cooperate on security matters based on existing memberships in institutions that are a part of the OSCE.

The Association for South East Asian Nations does not seem particularly fertile ground for developing a security community or promoting cooperative security. Arguably, none of its member countries is a mature liberal democracy. The ability of the countries within this region to deal with their security problems constructively and cooperatively reflects the continued commitment of their respective elites. The United States exit from the region in , with the end of the Vietnam War, raised fears of Vietnamese aggression.

Laos and Myanmar followed in , and Cambodia in The norms that bind countries in this region appeared in the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia:.

Mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, equality, territorial integrity and national identity of all nations;. The right of every State to lead its national existence free from external interference, subversion or coercion;.

Non—interference in the internal affairs of one another;. Settlement of differences or disputes by peaceful means;. Renunciation of the threat or use of force;. Effective cooperation among themselves. However, all agreed that internal insurgency, in particular communist—backed internal insurgency, posed the major threat.

Cross—border cooperation was required to contain, if not defeat, insurgent groups. ASEAN governments are either quasi—authoritarian or transitional democracies, not consolidated liberal democracies. The economic material basis for regional cooperation is quite small. Intraregional exports represent only a third of all exports, a figure consistent with the export—driven growth strategy of their economies.

This date was subsequently moved forward to However, in the aftermath of the financial crisis, intra—regional trade contracted much more sharply than external trade. No war has broken out among its members. It has brought into its fold former threats such as Vietnam. Indonesia invaded East Timor, a former Portuguese colony, in and annexed it in The United Nations never recognized this annexation.

On August 30, , East Timor voted for independence. The Philippines also sent troops. ASEAN clearly failed to develop a coherent East Timor policy, particularly because one of its founding members, Indonesia, considered East Timor to be an internal matter. A development of common values bodes well for future cooperative security. Political diversity is inevitable, necessary, and even desirable. But in the light of globalization and regional economic integration, in the face of global competition for markets and investments, some political convergence will have to take place, within Southeast Asia and elsewhere, and it will likely be in the direction of greater openness, greater freedom, and greater pluralism.

It will proceed at different paces, and political diversity will remain. But the direction is emerging into view. Globalization and the technological revolution will also have a significant impact on the diversity and convergence of cultures. The success of cooperative security hinges upon several factors. Above all, it requires the belief that certain countries share a common future, and that cooperation offers the best possible means of achieving their national interests.

Historically, the perception of a common threat was the most frequent, as well as the most effective, basis for establishing a security system. Because national elites were willing to work together in the face of a common threat, they developed a common identity that transcended national borders and intensified their sense of a common purpose. Once formed, that new identity can be quite tenacious, permitting security arrangements to outlive the threats that first brought them together.

Just as the Concert of Europe long outlasted the danger of another French revolution, so NATO and the EU have transformed themselves since the fall of communism and the full integration of Germany into Europe. Today, the threats to Europe are increasingly transnational phenomena. They include corruption, organized crime, migration, epidemic diseases, environmental catastrophes, and terrorism.

Such complex problems can only be overcome by united action across national frontiers. To the extent that threatened states work together, they gain a critical awareness of their common future, and we can expect cooperative security to become the norm. In Western Europe and North America, cooperative security has become a way of life that is steadily moving to the east and the southeast. The security communities of these regions draw their unusual strength from one main factor: they consist of consolidated, liberal democratic states.

As security communities, both NATO and — even more so — the EU have developed dense networks of multilateral institutions that foster the denationalization of security policy and serve the needs of entire regions.

They do so because they believe, in part, that security is better assured cooperatively among countries that have adopted the liberal democratic form of government. Interdependence leads to a common identity — especially economic interdependence. The fact that Central and Eastern European countries seek validation of their European identity through EU membership, while several countries find it important to actively reject their Balkan identity, is indicative of this strong need for an economically protective common identity.

At the same time, a need for multilateral approaches to security builds toward cooperative security. This is especially true among small countries that need to pool resources. The Baltic countries provide a good example, and recent efforts made in Southeastern Europe are promising. Consensual decision practices often aid this multilateral security approach to establishing a common identity, and hence the felt need for cooperative security. ASEAN countries share only two common factors: a geographical propinquity and a belief in a common future, but it has succeeded as a cooperative security unit.

Cooperative security has been increasingly adopted as a mechanism for furthering national security. Relying on self—help and old—style balancing behavior has given way to cooperative efforts to promote stability. Even among states that lack common values, cooperative security is possible. The first widespread use of the nation-state concept came in.

Western Europe. Among the world's largest multinational states are. Russia and the United States. Australia and New Zealand. Japan and Denmark. Korea is a good example of a n. A territory tied to a state rather than being completely independent is a.

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The boundary between Argentina and Chile is an example of a. The eastern part of the border between the United States and Mexico is delineated by.

As shown on this map, an African country with an elongated shape is. Central African Republic. A Southeast Asian country with a partly elongated or prorupted shape is.

A South American country with an elongated shape is. South Africa. The most fragmented Southeast Asian state is. A state with control over its internal affairs has. The concept that ethnicities have the right to govern themselves is known as. A state which places most power in the hands of a central government is a n.

The European Union has. An increasing number of states have adopted a federal form of government primarily to. According to the map of regime types, Iraq is now an example of a n. The process of redrawing legislative boundaries to benefit the party in power is called.